More difficult is the question of how these "advances" came about in particular contexts, at particular times, taking account of particular conditions. This links to the paradox of history as more than and less than the past: living and working in the present historians are aware that the development of new, lighter and stronger manufacturing materials allowed American and Canadian Football players to abandon leather helmets.
This is the more-than-the-past aspect. The less-than-the-past component of historical inquiry means that analysts today find it exceptionally difficult to understand the reasoning and rationale, the long process of trial and error, the successes and failures that took the new products to their exact form. In recent years, sports history like many other forms, has found itself engaging in a debate about how history is done and what historians do.
The Beginnings Of A Commercial Sporting Culture In Britain 1793 1850 2004
One aspect of this debate may be seen in Struna's argument that historians of sport need to be careful about the perspective adopted, and should properly consider change away from what is known by historical actors rather than change towards what is known by the historian if the goal is to understand why specific choices were made.
Struna illustrates her case with changes in bicycle technology, arguing that the developers worked with what they knew to make improvements on either walking or horses. Her argument is that the bicycle changed not because its devisers knew where they were going, but where they were coming from. Ritchie, in contrast, emphasizes bicycle development as something new, as a rejection of the horse-image and an improvement on walking to identify "the tendency of sport in the nineteenth century to drive forwards the development of bicycle technology" , At the heart of the debate is a difference in view where Struna sees change away from, while Ritchie sees change towards.
The issue may seem, and is, abstruse, except when considering an argument that design failures are as significant to sports' developments as design successes, failure being as important to success as success. In emphasizing what innovation became, Ritchie risks overlooking the failed ideas. Arguably, the most important design innovations in sport are not technological but human. A lightweight, carbon-fibre, balanced-to-perfection javelin may improve performance and be easier to throw, but it remains just a sophisticated stick.
Recent developments in athlete design, notably gene technology, have challenged the character and humanity of humans. Despite the significance of the issues posed by gene technology, the artificiality of the sporting body has a long pedigree. Ancient Olympians and Rome's gladiators trained, while former gladiators could find work as an early form of personal trainer.
Among the socially influential Sporting Fancy in Regency London, trainers such as former champion prize-fighter John Jackson, co-proprietor and principal instructor at "Jackson's Rooms", became celebrities providing "training courses" to Cabinet members, lords of the realm, and the Prince of Wales, later King George IV.
It was only with the mid-nineteenth century emergence of the cult of games and more especially the ideology of amateurism, both the products of growing middle-class cultural and social significance, that training came to be frowned upon as unsporting.
The "new moral philosophy" Holt , of amateurism was less about not being paid than about not having to work too hard to be "good at sport". The Amateur Rowing Association in excluded from amateur status anyone "who has ever been employed in or about boats, or in manual labour, for money or wages" Vamplew , partly because of a desire to protect class networks, but also because these men were deemed to have an unfair advantage over the chaps from the ARA.
The ideology of amateurism meant that to train, let alone to have a trainer, was more than bad form: it was a type of performance enhancement the language of which resembles contemporary discourses of drug use, not that drug use itself is a recent phenomenon. The anti-training ideal of amateurism was far from universally shared; during the s the Finnish runner Paavo Nurmi relied on scientific training methods, and may be seen, especially during his tour of the United States and Canada in , to have subverted the amateur ethos through "science", a performance orientation, and use of methods associated with modernity Nathan Despite the Chariots of Fire image of unrehearsed athletes, there was a significant demand for trainers before World War One.
Harry Andrews, in his manual, covered everything from diet, drinking and smoking, to massage, to running style, to clothing, to "pluck": "it is not necessarily the best-trained man, nor is it invariably the best runner among the entrants, who wins a race. There are two elements, both of which have won many men their races who were really second best.
Pluck is the first The change in athlete design since Andrews's days is less about training, and more about blurring the boundaries between the athlete's body and the athlete's technology, and with it the technologization of the athlete Magdalinski Whereas du Toifs challenge has been largely o verlooked, Pistorius's use of prosthetics has brought to the fore the debate over the extent to which use of technology denaturalizes body performance and becomes a form of "cheating".
Spreading the Word These sporting spaces and highly technologized equipment and players are key components of a widely followed and popular sports world. The contemporary significance of this world is, to a large degree, linked to it being known, which in turn is reliant on the long standing and close relationship between sports organizations and various media outlets.
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While in the s Harper's Weekly depicted football as a bracing outdoor adventure by hardy men to middle-class America, the National Police Gazette presented a popularist version of the game and its stars. The relationship, a nascent sport-media complex, was not limited to reporting sports to various audiences: a political rivalry and circulation battles between French sports papers in saw L'Auto set up the Tour de France.
In England, this sport-media link emerges early in the nineteenth-century when Bell's Life in London and Sporting Chronicle began in Although London-based, Bell's served as a national paper and Georgian social networking site relying on sportsmen women were marginal to this venture around the country to provide copy. By the end of the century and in the wake of the mass commercialization of English leisure there was an extensive specialist sports press with both national papers and the local Saturday evening 'Pink, Green or Yellow "Un.
The late nineteenth- century also saw the emergence of a national sports press in France withpapers such as L'Equipe and L'Auto and Italy while North American magazines such as Harpers, Outing, Scribner's, and Collier's catered to middle-class audiences and the National Police Gazette among others provided sensationalist crime and sports stories to a more plebeian audience.
The Beginnings of a Commercial Sporting Culture in Britain, 1793-1850
Sport-media linkages and developments were uneven, however: Norway had no sports press, and only limited coverage in the mainstream press until the s Gerd von der Lippe, personal communication. Some racecourses and cricket fields were enclosed from the late eighteenth century, and as Griffin shows , hare coursing had been in many cases enclosed and commercialized in denaturalized spaces from the same time.
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By the s the terms of the debate had shifted as radio became a more significant force. Since the Football Association and Football League in England have tried to manage their relationship with broadcast media, with concern about concurrent broadcast of matches being more about club and Association and League income than any effects on football participation Taylor , By the s boxing at Madison Square Garden existed to be broadcast, and was to all intents and purposes controlled by Gillette, its major sponsor Roberts As well as challenging the authority of sports bodies, various media forms have been essential tools for those bodies to promote themselves and their sports.
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Since formalization, popularization, and extension to a mass audience and participation in the later nineteenth-century, sport in Europe and North America as well as in Britain's other colonies of settlement, such as South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, and the British West Indies, has been in competition with other pleasure and leisure pursuits - reputable and disreputable - for its market, and as mass interest grew sports organizations and media outlets have had a largely symbiotic, some might say co-dependent, relationship enhancing each other's market share.
This battle with other leisure activities must also be understood in the context of sports always-already, continuous contemporary state of decline and the nostalgic construction of sporfs golden age. This longer term historical perspective is an important rebuttal to the early twenty-first century moral panic about sedentary behaviour, childhood obesity, and the range of participation cultures seen in contemporary, postmodern sport.
Rather than deny the health concerns linked to these sedentary lifestyle characteristics, the point here is note that the participation cultures blamed for them are not new, and therefore are not a sufficient explanation for these changes identified. This historical awareness means that at times it is difficult to determine what other than a global reach is specific about many of these sporting cultures.
Prizefighters such as Jack Broughton and James Figg were British national celebrities in the later half of the eighteenth century, as was Tom Molyneaux in the early nineteenth century in both Britain and the USA. Sports such as boxing, cricket, and horseracing were well established as commercial ventures by the end of the eighteenth century, as were events such as hare coursing, rowing and pedestrianism: along with this commercialization came a high degree of spectatorship - watching, not doing.
One of the ironies of the myth of the ideal of amateurism emphasizing doing not watching as a 28 DESIGN FOR SPORT foundation of modern sport is that it is an invention of the middle-class of the nineteenth century, but even at its height the ideology seems to have had less impact in practice than its advocates claimed. Whereas events such as global branding of Manchester United, News Corporation's attempts in the late s to purchase the club, and the takeover by USA-based multiple franchise owning Glazer family in , may be seen as a major transformations in a sports team's profile, the change appears arguably to be one of scale rather than kind.
Sports commercialization is the historical norm, rather than a contemporary change that has blighted athletic pastimes, although this norm has been obscured by dominance in sports mythology of the cult of athletic amateurism. The ideal of the amateur athlete, for whom participation is more important than winning, has obscured the key commercial aspects of pre-twentieth century sports cultures and sports participation mainly because the non-gentleman athlete was excluded from the definitions imposed by the emerging modern middle-class.
The historically aberrant Anglo-American nineteenth century ideology where the amateur athlete was held to be the epitome of pure sports practice conceals both the manufactured character of sport and the range of sporting practices of the upper and working classes in the Anglo-American and European worlds. Rather than seeing the twentieth century's revival of professional sport as the displacement of a broadly practised amateurism, it should be seen as a marginalization of amateurism as a minority 'moral philosophy'.
Even the most obvious expression of the commercialized, professionalized ethos of contemporary sport - the celebrity athlete - should not be seen as new or aberrant, High profile athletes have since at least the times of Milo of Croton a wrestler whose ancient Olympic career spanned the 60th to the 66th Olympiads, bce, with consecutive championships from been celebrities - in Milo's case throughout the ancient Greek world of the eastern Mediterranean, southern Italy, and Sicily.
If anything, the major change of the postmodern sporting era has been the emergence of celebrity brands - such as several European football clubs, National Football League teams, and the Olympic Games. The issue for a nuanced understanding of contemporary sport is that these intensified characteristics overshadow the more ordinary, everyday engagements with sport - the kind represented so well by novelists such as Sherman Alexie , At the same time, the perception that sport is something done by naturally occurring, organic, human bodies that use the universal skills such as running, jumping, and throwing conceals its artificiality, its design, its construction.
These are not discrete things, but mutually dependent: the ways sport is remembered and the related yearning for a purer "golden" past construct a pristine naturally occurring activity that does not so much deny its artificiality as cloak it. Sports' design is obfuscated by its seeming naturalness - the design features that exist do so because they work, and because of the form of sports' historicization, understandings of it remain ahistorical and present-centred. Sports' obvious design features have a common-sense logic about them because they work while other design features are common-sense because they not obvious - noting that 'common-sense' may be seen as "the folklore of philosophy and Struna's call for a focus on change away from rather than change towards demands that historians consider what was known when design decisions were made, not the consequences of those decisions.
If nothing else, analyses and interpretations of sports' design need continually to remember its artificiality, and the paradox of its greatest moments being in its state of continuous contemporary decline.
Acknowledgement I am grateful to Tara Magdalinski and to the editors for comments that have improved this paper: errors, omissions, and so forth remain my responsibility. Alexie, S. New York: Grove Press. Andrews, D. New York: Peter Lang. Andrews, H. Training for Athletics and General Health. London: C. Bale, J.
The Stadium and the City. Keele: Keele University Press. Brecher, J, Lombardi, J. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Collins, T. London: Frank Cass. London: Routledge. Daley, C.